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There has been much talk of a 'knowledge driven economy' and there are many different ideas about what might best constitute a 'knowledge driven economy' in the United Kingdom. This paper discusses two models drawn from opposite ends of the spectrum: the first is a narrowly defined model based on the United States of America (USA) system and the second is a more democratic, egalitarian and socially inclusive model of what a 'knowledge driven economy' might be. The author suggests that while the USA based model might be easier to achieve, this model will deliver positive results for a relatively limited proportion of the population and could also worsen the polarisation of income distribution and social inequality. The second model, on the other hand, is more demanding and requires the creation of an environment that encourages an increasing proportion of organisations to change the way they operate. Such a model seeks to deliver a wider range of benefits to a much broader spread of population and creates a society where there are greater opportunities for rewarding and satisfying work. A discussion of the challenges of creating such a model and the means by which they may be overcome follows and the author concludes that the choice between the two models would depend on the degree of commitment to making real progress. Show less

The digitisation of the world as a result of the introduction of computers, chips, and ICT, has undoubtedly been the most important technological development of the past few decades. The fact that more and more workers use computers has led to the conclusion that computer skills are becoming a key to social success. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the discussion of the effects of computerisation on work. Our main conclusions are that the fear of a digital split in society appears unjustified. Although computers initially find their way primarily to the higher educated, practically all workers eventually end up working with computers. Absence of computer skills probably plays no role during this process of computerisation. This does not mean, however, that there is no need for policies to optimise the economic potential of computers and ICT in general. Firstly, a properly developed infrastructure may be of importance for a rapid diffusion of the possibilities offered by ICT. This applies not only to the physical networks, but also to the availability of software and information. In addition, it may be expected that the educational requirements for workers will increase across the board and there will be changes in the knowledge and skills that people need to have. These are not primarily computer skills, but concern a much wider shift in the importance of various skills. Adjusting adequately to these changes requires reliable data. What is being measured and how the measurements are taken will need to change considerably.

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This paper looks at how the meaning of ‘skill’ has broadened considerably since the 1950s through an examination of the relevant policy literature. The key role of both the Manpower Services Commission (MSC) and the Further Education Unit (FEU) in re-defining ‘skill’ in the late 1970s and 1980s is stressed. ‘Core’ or ‘key skills’, which have come to dominate contemporary education and training debates, are seen as an extension of this agenda. The new discourse of skill is also likely to have major implications for the vocational education and training (VET) system. The paper concludes by arguing that if Britain is to break out of a ‘low skill equilibrium’ (Finegold and Soskice 1988) and create a vibrant participatory democracy, it must shift education and training policy out of a narrow economistic focus and obsession with skills supply, and ensure universal access to a broad and integrated general and vocational education for all.

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Since its election in 1997, the UK (New) Labour government has consistently argued that national economic success and social justice depends critically upon boosting the supply of skilled, qualified labour. The recent Treasury-sponsored Leitch review [indexed at TD/IRD 88.157] concluded that 'skills is the most important lever within our control to create wealth and to reduce social deprivation'. In doing so, it recommended the adoption of a series of ambitious qualification targets aimed at equipping the UK with a 'worldclass' skills base by 2020. However, education and training is a devolved issue in the UK and the parliaments/assemblies of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have control over this area of policy. This research paper is an expansion of the ideas contained in the SKOPE briefing paper 'Skills policy in England and Scotland after Leitch' [indexed at TD/TNC 95.533] and develops the discussion of the different skills strategies and policies, particularly between England and Scotland. Show less

This paper reviews the role of employers in the provision of lifelong learning in the United Kingdom (UK). It begins with an overview of the concept of the learning organisation, the problems and weaknesses with the concept and the barriers to its widespread adoption in the UK. It then examines the UK employers’ record on providing lifelong learning and suggests that the following groups risk receiving little training: older workers; part-timers; those in low status jobs; those working in small to medium enterprises; and the less well qualified. The paper then highlights the dwindling role accorded to employers by policy makers and the underlying causes of this problem and concludes with a plea for a different style and type of policy approach to lifelong learning which addresses these issues. Show less

A number of commentators involved with the UK policy debate on skills have recently argued in favour of an active role for government in helping to diffuse the model of the high performance work organisation (HPWO). More specifically, the HPWO is said to offer an environment in which skills and knowledge can be developed on a continuous basis and utilised to full effect. For these commentators, part of the model’s attraction lies in its potential to shift the current policy debate beyond its narrow emphasis on boosting the supply of skills and qualifications as the main route to developing a high skills economy in the UK. The paper argues that there has been [a] tendency for academics from the vocational education and training community to ‘buy into’ the high performance work model too uncritically without interrogating its key assumptions. A closer engagement with the critical literature surrounding the HPWO suggests that its implications for skills and employees are uncertain and may, in some cases, be negative. The paper questions, therefore, whether the HPWO should be seen as a suitable vehicle for a high skills project in the UK and asks whether it might be time to re-focus attention on the more fundamental issue of how to develop high skilled, high quality employment whilst also improving work and employment conditions for employees in general.

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Traditionally, skills policies in the UK have focused primarily upon boosting the supply of skills as a route to improved economic prosperity as well as social inclusion/mobility. However, some academic commentators have argued that this approach is insufficient and that more attention needs to be given to addressing problems of weak employer demand for, and utilisation of, skills. Recently, some of these ideas have begun to be taken up by sections of the policy community. Issues around skills demand and utilisation figured prominently in Scotland's 2007 skills strategy, and are now beginning to inform new forms of policy experimentation. The UK Commission for Employment and Skills has also argued that 'the future employment and skills system will need to invest as much effort on raising employer ambition, on stimulating demand, as it does on enhancing skills supply'. In light of these developments, the paper examines some of the challenges confronting skills policy in England under the new Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition government, and considers the prospects for a more integrative and holistic approach to tackling the 'skills problem'. It argues that the political and ideological space for such an approach is limited in England with skills policy likely to focus mainly upon skills supply, albeit with vastly diminished state funding/subsidy.

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This study investigated the views and experiences of 10 Hungarian migrants living in the south-east of England. The data suggest that the UK offers better opportunities for Hungarian migrants to find employment than Hungary, and that there are better chances for them in the UK to establish financial security. Many of the interviewees have already worked excessive hours in Hungary, and some also engaged in low-skilled and low-paid work before coming to the UK. All interviewees were well educated at levels 3, 4 and 5 and often had two to three qualifications. In spite of this most interviewees found employment in the UK in low-skilled and low-paid work. English language skills, unknown Hungarian qualifications, lack of UK work experience, lack of time, and lack of financial resources were the main reasons for not being able to negotiate better jobs and starting higher on the job ladder.

Most interviewees felt uncomfortable in their low-skilled jobs and often felt that they would be able to offer so much more. They also felt they brought their positive attitude, flexibility, high standards, and, in particular, intelligence to their jobs. Career progression was very slow, and often they had one low-skilled job after the other, making horizontal moves rather then vertical. However, all were engaged in learning and professional development and education was considered as the means to success. All interviewees felt they had established financial security for themselves by 2014, they had permanent posts and their wages had increased over time. However, progressing in their chosen career or working according to their highest qualifications was a distant future for many.

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Although the current Labour government is committed to developing the UK as a high skills society, there is still much confusion as [to] what such a society might look like and from where it might draw its inspiration. In so far as the government can be said to have such a vision, it tends to aspire towards a US-type model. Recently, a number of academics have also expressed the need for a much clearer vision of the kind of society to which the UK might choose to head for under the banner of ‘high skills’. In this paper, the authors discuss whether such a vision is needed and what in their view this vision might look like. The authors argue that Germany and Scandinavia offer the best ‘actually existing’ examples of high skills societies and consider whether the UK could move towards a British variant of the North European model as part of a long-term project of social and economic construction. Having identified some of the obstacles currently blocking such a project, the paper discusses whether a vision is still needed and why academics must continue to debate what it means to build a high skills society in the UK.

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In the recent literature on workplace innovations, two competing views stand out: in the high-performance work system (HPWS) literature it is argued that workplace innovations have positive outcomes for employees in the form of increased discretion, improved job security, and enhanced job satisfaction. In turn, the critics of the HPWS view argue that workplace innovations lead to increased job intensity and mental strain, and compromise job security. We address these issues by using a representative data set on individual employees from Finland. On balance our results are more supportive of the HPWS view. The results also show that there are differences between individual practices. Information sharing has consistently positive effects on employees, while the impacts of training and self-managed teams are more varied. Incentive pay has a positive association only with wages.

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